PHOTOS: The story of Nabi Saleh, performed by ‘The Freedom Theatre’

5 May 2013: +972 Magazine: Text and photos by Keren Manor/Activestills.org 

Through the eyes of a Palestinian child, members of Jenin’s Freedom Theatre perform the story of popular struggle in Nabi Saleh.

On Saturday, May 4, 2013, members of “The Freedom Theatre” performed a play based on stories and testimonies from children of the West Bank village of Nabi Saleh. The play tells the story of the village’s resistance, through the eyes of a young Palestinian child. The first show was performed in the village’s cultural center. The performance was dedicated to Mustafa and Rushdi Tamimi, two Palestinians from Nabi Saleh who were shot to death by Israeli soldiers during demonstrations against the occupation.

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Photo Essay – Nabi Saleh residents face teargas and rubber bullets to protest occupation and land theft

Photos by Tamimi Press: 3 May 2013

marching - TP

woman and flag - TP

woman and soldiers - TP

teargas2 - TP

teargas - TP

soldier and Naji - TP

soldier and boy - TP

child and flag -TP

manal - tamimi press

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An interview with Ben Ehrenreich, author of ‘extraordinary’ Nabi Saleh piece in ‘NYT Magazine’

by Philip Weiss, 29 April 2013, Mondoweiss

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Ben Ehrenreich’s March 15 cover story

On March 15, The New York Times Magazine broke important ground in the mainstream by publishing Ben Ehrenreich’s long and often-thrilling account of resistance in occupied Nabi Saleh, based on his visits to the Palestinian village last summer and earlier this year. The cover of the magazine featured heroic portraits of villagers who had guided the village’s political movement at huge risk, and Ehrenreich’s article portrayed young Palestinians’ throwing of stones as a valid response to military occupation. “The stones were … symbols of defiance, of a refusal to submit to occupation, regardless of the odds. The army’s weapons bore messages of their own: of economic and technological power, of international support.”

While the Forward and Haaretz were quick to attack Ehrenreich for his failure to believe in Zionism–seemingly out of fear that the piece would get a lot of attention– there has been surprisingly little media followup to his important article.

So last week I called the anti-Zionist Jewish novelist, 40, at his home in California to ask a few questions. The record below includes some follow-up by email.

Q. What’s the response been to your piece?  

Ben Ehrenrich: Predictably it has been mixed. The most immediate reaction came, not all that surprisingly, from liberal Zionist quarters, from Chemi Shalev in Haaretz, who wrote something of a self-fulfilling prophesy, predicting that the piece’s critics would focus their attacks on me. All of Shalev’s substantive points were written in the subjunctive, such as his suggestion that the piece “might” be read as encouraging an intifada and would “likely” elicit condemnation. He pointed readers to an op-ed I published in the L.A. Times in 2009 ["Zionism is the problem"] in which I argued that a principled opposition to Zionism had been a mainstream stance within Judaism for most of the twentieth century and in which I made the case for an ethical, Jewish critique of Zionism.

Everything that followed both from both liberals and from points much farther to the right followed Shalev’s lead. No criticism that I saw made any serious effort to take on the piece on a factual basis. Factually it was ironclad—it was extremely closely fact-checked. So no one attempted to engage with the piece directly, which is a shame.

It was the usual attempt to limit the discourse by delegitimizing any possible criticism and demonizing any possible critics. The approach was, “This guy’s an anti-Zionist and he shouldn’t be allowed to talk about the issue at all.” Which is absurd really. Ali Gharib made the point in the Daily Beast that if only Zionists are allowed to talk about Palestine, 99 percent of Palestinians would be disqualified from analyzing their own predicament. Another popular line went, “There are a lot of interesting facts in this article, but it’s all out of context,” and it quickly became clear that the only context they would have accepted as relevant was one that would refute all the facts, namely that the people I wrote about are really violent terrorists and everything they say is a lie.

I didn’t think it necessary or productive to respond to any of the criticism. Some people seemed to want me—or my editors—to recant what I had written in the L.A. Times op-ed, as if it were something I should be ashamed of, but I stand by everything I said in that article, and I think it’s worse than ridiculous to demand absolute allegiance to Israel as a precondition for being able to comment on the actions of the Israeli state. One of my goals in writing about these issues has been to broaden what has for years been an extremely and dangerously narrow discourse, to try to expand the borders of what can be said. Some people clearly find that threatening.

Q. There wasn’t a lot of pickup of your story by journalists seeking to interview you.

No. I went on one radio show out of Chicago. Other places I might have expected to follow it chose not to go after it.

Q. Are you telling me that the only interview you did was with that Chicago radio station?

The only interview I did was that one radio station.

Q. Why do you think that is?

I don’t know. There’s obviously been a great deal of hesitation among editors and producers to grapple with this issue at all. They did have a news hook: Obama was in the West Bank.

Q. Did this surprise you?

Not terribly.

Q. But Amira Hass is over here on her duty-to-throw-stones story, and Nancy Updike did a story on Nabi Saleh for “This American Life.” Aren’t we in a new moment for the American discussion about Palestinian resistance?

I certainly feel that it’s possible to say things in the American press that it wasn’t possible to say a few years ago. I think the tipping point was Cast Lead. After the bombardment of Gaza in 2008 and 2009 a lot of Americans found they could no longer offer Israel the kind of uncritical support they had given it for so long. The logic of self-defense became harder and harder to justify. I wrote that L.A. Times op-ed in the wake of Cast Lead and was shocked when the paper agreed to publish it. I was quite happily surprised when the New York Times decided to assign the Nabi Saleh piece. It’s extraordinary that they chose to publish this piece. They showed a lot of courage in doing it.

And I was very happy to have my inbox overwhelmed by supportive emails after the piece ran. I received a couple of dozen emails attacking me, which I expected, but also dozens and dozens and dozens of emails thanking me for writing the article, expressing happiness and surprise that it was published in such a prominent place as the Times Magazine. I had a similar experience with that op-ed in 2009. People wrote me with this incredible sense of relief, that I had been permitted to express ideas in print that many people share but that they never see reflected in the mainstream press. At least in terms of popular opinion and media discourse, something is certainly shifting in the U.S. Unfortunately that shift isn’t reflected in the actions of our politicians, which was quite clear from Obama’s trip.

Q. Your piece didn’t take a political position or offer much political analysis, one state, two state.

I think that it’s fairly easy to make a case in one direction or another and it happens on op-ed pages all the time. More in one direction than the other perhaps. But what you don’t see at all in the American media is Palestinians who are not P.A. officials or Hamas officials being taken seriously. You do not see them portrayed as human beings dealing with the humiliating realities of a military occupation and you do not see them as individuals making painful moral choices and committing themselves to a daily struggle with no end in sight. I don’t believe the piece romanticized anything, but I did make a great effort to provide sufficient historical and political context for readers to understand why and how the people of Nabi Saleh act as they do, to allow readers to understand their struggle on their terms, not on terms provided by the IDF or the State Department. Those are perspectives that we don’t get in the US media, and it seemed far more important to document them accurately than to make easy political points.

Q. It was rumored that the Times editors were surprised to learn of your 2009 LA Times piece at the time of your detention by the Israeli army in Nabi Saleh July 2012–when news broke that you were over there for the Times, and folks on twitter got very excited about the LA Times story.

I don’t think so. It took a lot of courage for The Times to publish it, and I felt very well backed throughout. They were very committed to this piece.

Q. The piece seemed to be delayed for months. I thought it was going to die. What happened?

There isn’t really a story there. They held it for various reasons that weren’t political. It was about to close when the Gaza war broke out in November, and, since no one knew what was going to happen, they decided to hold off. By December my original reporting, which I had done over the summer, was beginning to feel stale, and they made the decision to commit more resources to the story. They sent me back for another three weeks and sent Peter van Agtmael, the photographer, whose work is really extraordinary, back as well. They certainly knew they would catch heat for publishing the story, and they pushed ahead and ran it almost as soon as Peter and I returned from the West Bank.

Q. How did the piece originate?

I had visited Nabi Saleh briefly in 2011 while working on a piece for Harper’s about the role of water in the occupation of the West Bank. In early 2012, a Times magazine editor asked me to pitch stories. I came up with five or six ideas, including a piece on Nabi Saleh. (None of the others were Palestine-related.) To my surprise, the Nabi Saleh story was the one that caught the editors’ interest.

Q. In the political divide between Gatekeepers and 5 Broken Cameras, the liberal Zionists embrace Gatekeepers and ignore 5 Broken Cameras. Is that what happened to your piece in the discourse?
I don’t know of any liberal Zionist organization that has taken an organizational position on my piece. But a lot of people who are active in progressive groups in the US have contacted me and thanked me.
Q. Some of them being liberal Zionists?
I think so, yes. Not that they identified themselves as such in their emails.
Q. Will you be doing more on this subject?
I’d like to. As you know, it’s a pretty addictive part of the world to cover.
Q. I meant film or TV following up.
No. I know nothing about those worlds.
Q. Well it’s not like 60 Minutes has been calling?
No. Nobody’s been coming to me. I’m a writer. I don’t really go beyond the printed word.
Q. My memory of the piece is there were very few comments about a culture that is largely unknown in the U.S. I know you said something about all the Tamimis, but probably nothing about cousin marriage tradition. And you didn’t comment on Islam, or women wearing hijabs, that I remember– the kind of stuff many visitors (including me in my early days) liked to point out. Was this a conscious choice? If so, what did it reflect on your part?
It wasn’t a conscious choice, though I was careful not to exoticize or to fall into any easy orientalist traps. Americans tend to be obsessed with Islam and all its manifestations, and prefer to see the conflict in religious terms or via some variant of the neo-con clash of civilizations model. As if resistance to occupation were a form of irrational, primitive, pre-modern extremism that can be cured via enlightened secular values. What struck me in Nabi Saleh–and in the rest of the West Bank–was the complete irrelevancy of those paradigms. Religion is as real (and unreal) to people there as it is anywhere else, but if you focus on that you tend to obscure the fact that people are responding to the concrete realities of a military occupation.
Q. Last question, Ben. Let’s talk about the Jewish narrator. In 2006 the Timespublished a very important essay by Tony Judt in support of Walt and Mearsheimer’s LRB piece on the Israel lobby, and Judt later said that they asked him to insert in there, I’m Jewish. Judt told the story because he knew that Jews were privileged, and that the Times needed to send this signal to its readers. As the NYRB does by publishing David Shulman when it’s critical of Israel, as the New Yorker does when David Remnick is the authority. As Mondoweiss does by stating, we’re a progressive Jewish site at root. As JVP does. It’s a racket, we’re all in on it, and my question is, When do Palestinians get to hold the microphone. Aren’t you and I to blame too? Because if they were holding the microphone, a basic human rights issue like the right to resist that is so core to your piece would have been noncontroversial many many years ago. As it is, Americans have to warm up to the idea, and a Jew has to bring them this news. Comment?
I’m glad you asked that question, and yeah, it’s super-problematic. It’s a specific instance of a bigger problem, that black and brown people’s stories can generally only be told in this society via the authority of a white narrator, that we–white people, in this case of Jewish ancestry–are tasked with the representation of black and brown and in this case Palestinian people, who in this dynamic are stuck in the passive role of being represented and are not allowed to interpret their own realities. So certainly we are complicit, and I don’t see any way out of that complicity except to use what privilege I have to tell stories that tear holes in the broader narratives which allow this arrangement to continue. And to do so with scrupulous attention to my own role in it, to the power differentials at play. This means, in other words, using the platform that I am unjustly rewarded with in order to step back and allow other people, who are systematically deprived of any platform, to speak. I think this is in the end what made so many people so angry about my Nabi Saleh article, that I attempted to give the people there an opportunity to speak without stepping in and interpreting for them and putting them in any of the usual boxes (militant, terrorist, Islamist, whatever) that function to silence and delegitimize them. That was a brand of treason, which I was happy to perform.

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‘This American Life’ shines some light on that Palestinian life and Nabi Saleh

by Henry Norr, 24 April 2013, Mondoweiss

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Israeli soldiers in the village of Nabi Saleh arresting a Palestinian (Photo: Nariman Tamimi via Haaretz)

Last week’s episode of “This American Life,” the popular public-radio show hosted by Ira Glass, included a striking 23-minute segment about the Israeli occupation of the West Bank. The piece was reported by Nancy Updike, an award-winning producer who’s been with the show since it began in 1995.

Titled “Photo Op” (audio here; transcript here - scroll down to “Act One”), it begins with Updike describing a video taken by Bilal Tamimi, a resident of the village of Nabi Saleh, as Israeli soldiers invaded his home at 1:00 a.m., woke up his children, wrote down their names and ID numbers, and took their pictures – then proceeded to do the same at a dozen other homes in the village.

Although Nabi Saleh, even more than other West Bank villages that frequently host protests, is well known for army violence, on this occasion there’s “no violence, no yelling, no confrontation.” But Updike, who mentions that she’s “been coming to the West Bank reporting on and off for 15 years” (and has also reported from Gaza, Iraq, and Egypt), perceptively suggests that the kind of quiet, routinized harassment the video depicts is also a big part of the answer to a fundamental question: “Israel went into the West Bank 46 years ago. What does it take to control so many people so effectively for so long?”

The villagers tell Updike that the Israelis use the photos of the children they take in the middle of the night to help them identify and then arrest stonethrowers they videotape during Nabi Saleh’s weekly demonstrations. But – and this is the most interesting part of the segment – she gets a different answer when she starts asking former Israeli soldiers who have taken part is such nighttime operations, which they call “mapping,” about their purpose. Yehuda Shaul, the heroic co-founder of Breaking the Silence, and several other vets explain to her that their superiors actually had no interest in the notes and photos they collected during such exercises – in fact, they routinely directed the soldiers simply to discard everything.

The real goal of these operations, the former soldiers explain, is to “make your presence felt,” to convince every Palestinian that “We’re breathing behind you. We’re always there. We’re always watching. You never know where we’re going to be, when we’re going to show up, how it’s going to look like, what we’re going to do, when it’s going to start, when it’s going to end, right?”

The vets go on to explain another type of operation they routinely carried out, the mock arrest:

Nadav Weiman, former intelligence chief for a special forces unit: And we’d go in the middle of the night, and we surround the house. And we shout, come out with your hands in the air. And we throw stun grenades, or we fire bullets at the walls of the house. Or we throw smoke grenades.

And then somebody comes out and is afraid, and he doesn’t know what is happening. And we arrest him. And we shout a lot in Hebrew and Arabic. We arrest him. We put him inside a Jeep. And then we do like two or three rounds–

Updike: Driving around the village.

Weiman: Driving around the village. And then after, like, 20 minutes, 30 minutes, maybe the whole night, we put him back inside his house and drove away from there. And the goal in that operation, the goal is creating the feeling of being chased in the Palestinian population.

Updike: To create the feeling of being chased in the Palestinian population was an explicit goal that Nadav says he saw many times typed out in the PowerPoint presentation his team would be shown before a mission, right there along with all the other official information.

One telling touch: the soldiers explain that before they could carry out one of these mock arrests, they were required to check first with the Shabak, the Israeli internal intelligence agency, and get confirmation that “everybody in the house is innocent and not connected to terror.”

Predictably, the piece includes several passages clearly intended to provide “balance”: “For sure, there are people in the West Bank who want to kill Israelis,” and some army operations are actually directed against such targets. A Palestinian was recently convicted of throwing stones that caused an accident that killed an Israeli father and his baby. “You could argue that creating the feeling of being chased in the Palestinian population has worked, that mapping is important to Israel’s security. And it doesn’t matter whether data is kept or not.” And of course there’s the obligatory acknowledgment that some Israelis are troubled about what their sons and daughters do across the Green Line: Tamimi’s video of the nighttime operation in Nabi Saleh even aired on Israel’s Channel 10 and generated a flurry of discussion on Facebook and Twitter.

I suppose Updike could also be accused of glossing over the worst of the occupation: after all, real arrests occur every day, and they’re obviously worse than mock ones; violent raids are probably more common than the quiet ones in the video she focuses on.

Still, her report offers an unvarnished look at at least some of the routine abuses that underpin the occupation, and that’s still rare enough in American media to be worth celebrating. “This American Life” has an enormous and devoted audience, and it’s hard to see how anyone except hardcore Zionists could sit through last week’s episode and not come away appalled by what Updike describes.

Now if Ira Glass himself would produce something similar…

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Nabi Saleh continue protest against Israeli Occupation – 26 April 2013

Photos by Tamimi Press and Haim Schwarczenberg

march - Haim Sch

bilal iof - Haim Sch

iof in village - tamimi press

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Video and Photo Essay: Nabi Saleh continues to resist and call for all Palestinian political prisoners to be freed

Video by Bilal Tamimi

Photo essay by Haim Schwarczenberg: 19 April 2013

start of protest - haim schw

Nabi Saleh popular struggle demonstration begins

boy with flag - haim schw

Roadblock made of stones to try and prevent Israeli Occupation Forces invading Nabi Saleh vilalge

boy invading iof - haim schw

Palestinian youth attempts to prevent Israeli Occupation Forces invading Nabi Saleh village

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Skunk (foul chemical water) fired at unarmed demonsrators

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Israeli Occupation Forces invade Nabi Saleh

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Israeli Occupation Forces firing teargas

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Israeli Occupation Forces firing teargas

manal teargas - haim Schw

Nariman Tamimi treated for tear gas inhalation

israeli activist iof haim schwIsraeli activist assaulted by Israeli Occupation Forces

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IWPS report: Use of cruel and unusual punishment in Nabi Saleh

by International Women’s Peace Service: 19.04.2013

Human Rights Report No.464
Human Rights Summary: Use of cruel and unusual punishment in An Nabi Saleh
Date of incidents: April 19 2013
Place: An Nabi Saleh
Witnesses: IWPS, ISM, Anarchists against the Wall, Community of An Nabi Saleh

IWPS arrived in An Nabi Saleh at 11 am, one hour before the demonstration was scheduled to start. At 11:30am, two Israeli Military jeeps were stationed at the main road and a group of four soldiers were observed walking on foot through the village.
Over a hundred gathered at An Nabi Saleh for their weekly demonstration against the occupation. The community of An Nabi Saleh was present with people from all ages alongside national, international activists and media. At 12 pm, following the afternoon prayer, there was a short speech that commenced the march through the centre of town down the main road. At the main road three Israeli Military Jeeps were stationed along with a large white “skunk-truck” equipped with a long range hose and a bulldozer apparatus in front.
Chanting and singing, the crowd walked 300 meters past the gas station before pausing to set up defensive barricades with rocks. Two rock lines were set up before the Jeep and Skunk truck came forward removing the barricades, shooting several cans of tear gas and spraying the crowd with a sickeningly foul-smelling liquid.
The crowd quickly dispersed and the truck and Jeep continued to drive the length of the village drenching each house and the street with the foul smelling liquid and tear gas as a form of collective punishment which is prohibited under international law. Furthermore, such attacks on private homes are unnecessary and dangerous to the families inside. Numerous people were soaked; many reported feeling ill from the overwhelming smell. By 2pm the jeeps and skunk-truck had parked at the surveillance-tower crossroads. The demonstration had dispersed into small groups of 4 to 10 people being met by similar numbers of Israeli soldiers on foot, regularly shooting tear gas.

Report written by: Alex
Report edited by: Meg and Sylvia
Date of report: April 19, 2013

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